Operation Sindoor: How Pakistan’s Counter-Strike Campaign Failed Against India’s Air-Defence Architecture
Asia Security and Terrorism

Operation Sindoor: How Pakistan’s Counter-Strike Campaign Failed Against India’s Air-Defence Architecture

If the night of 7 May 2025 was the moment Pakistan’s narrative-makers seized on, the seventy-two hours that followed were the period during which their counter-strike campaign came apart at every operational level. According to the Centre d’Histoire et de Prospective Militaires note of Operation Sindoor, three successive waves of Pakistani drone, cruise-missile, rocket, and ballistic-missile attacks across 7, 8, and 9 May failed to penetrate India’s integrated air-defence bubble, failed to map the Indian electronic order of battle, and failed to produce a single piece of satellite-verifiable damage to a major Indian asset. By the time Pakistani military authorities lifted the phone to request a ceasefire on the morning of 10 May, the air war was being lost not in Pakistani airspace but over Indian territory, where the Pakistan Air Force’s most ambitious offensive operation in decades had been comprehensively absorbed.

The first Pakistani wave, launched on the night of 7 to 8 May, involved between 300 and 400 drones, with the CHPM placing the figure at “over 300 drones” alongside JF-17 sorties firing CM-400AKG missiles. The second wave, on the night of 8 to 9 May, comprised roughly 600 drones supported by Fatah-I and Fatah-II long-range artillery rockets and Hatf-II short-range ballistic missiles. The third wave, from 9 May evening into the early hours of 10 May, was described as “even larger than the previous ones” and focused exclusively on Indian airbases and the S-400 batteries deployed near them. The Pakistani arsenal drew on Turkish-supplied Asisguard Songar drones, Yiha-III suicide drones, Chinese CH-4s and Pakistani Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci platforms operating at higher altitude for guided-munition release. The intent was the same saturation logic the Shahed campaigns had pioneered against Ukraine, namely, to overwhelm a numerically thin air-defence network with cheap volume.

It did not work as the CHPM note records that Indian anti-aircraft guns alone destroyed more than half the Pakistani drones over the four days of the conflict, with jamming and spoofing systems doing much of the remaining work. The Bharat Electronics-DRDO Akashteer system, formally inducted into the Indian Army only in 2024, operated in tandem with the Indian Air Force’s Integrated Air Command, Control and Communication System and the Navy’s Trigun, fusing optical, electromagnetic, radar, and civilian-observer inputs into a single recognized air picture. Indian missile-battery radars were activated only for very brief windows and only when targets were already inside their firing envelopes. The Pakistani assumption underlying the saturation campaign, namely that drones would force Indian radars into sustained emission and thereby reveal SAM positions to electronic intelligence, was thus structurally defeated. However, the Pakistanis failed to accurately map the Indian electronic order of battle following this initial strike. 

The third wave on 9 to 10 May produced Pakistan’s most extravagant fake claim, namely that a JF-17 had used decoys and electronic jamming to penetrate the engagement envelope of the S-400 battery at Adampur. The Pakistan Air Force narrative, propagated through Inter-Services Public Relations on the morning of 10 May, claimed thirty-four Indian targets struck across multiple airbases and the grounding of the IAF combat fleet. However, multiple reports confirmed that the two CM-400AKG missiles caused no significant damage to the Adampur battery and that the S-400 systems maintained Pakistani fighters at standoff range throughout. The IAF’s own assessment is that S-400 batteries shot down five PAF F-16 and JF-17 fighters between 7 and 10 May, while no Pakistani aircraft entered the engagement envelope of India’s medium-range surface-to-air missile systems.

The disparity between Pakistani claims and verifiable evidence is the most damaging single feature of the Bunyan-um-Marsoos campaign. The CHPM report is blunt that “in contrast to the Indians, the Pakistanis couldn’t support their claims with satellite imagery or open-source material.” When the Indian Director General of Military Operations, Lieutenant General Rajiv Ghai, briefed the media, the Indian side produced satellite imagery of the Chunian and Pasrur radar sites destroyed by IAF Harop and Harpy loitering munitions during the suppression-of-enemy-air-defence campaign of 8 to 9 May, of the cratered Sargodha runway intersection, of the Bholari Erieye hangar and of the Jacobabad F-16 maintenance hangar. Pakistan produced no equivalent visual record for any of its claimed strikes on Indian airbases and the Akashteer system “intercepted and neutralised every inbound projectile” during the night of 9 to 10 May.

The CHPM report’s concluding observation, that air warfare is no longer “a contest between air forces” but “a contest between integrated joint systems comprising a wide variety of sensors and offensive and defensive effectors,” is precisely demonstrated by Bunyan-um-Marsoos in the negative. Pakistan possessed Chinese HQ-9 and HQ-16 batteries, Saab Erieye airborne early warning, Turkish drones, the Link-17 data link and a serviceable combat air fleet, but it lacked the integrated joint command-and-control architecture to convert these into a sustained operational tempo. India, by contrast, fielded an indigenously networked architecture in which the Akash regiment that had been redeployed cross-country from the eastern sector in the days before Operation Sindoor was, within minutes of arriving at its forward positions, plugged into the same recognised air picture as an S-400 battery near Adampur and an anti-drone laser near Srinagar. It is also why the standard Pakistani retort that Indian air defence had been “saturated” by drone volume collapses on contact with the evidence.

By the morning of 10 May, when the IAF launched its retaliatory cruise-missile blitz against Nur Khan, Murid, Sargodha, Jacobabad, Bholari, Sukkur, Rafiqui, and Rahim Yar Khan. It was operating from an air-defence position that had absorbed three Pakistani strike waves without losing a single S-400 battery, a single major airbase, or a single combat squadron’s operational readiness. That is the strategic context in which Pakistani military authorities requested a ceasefire by noon the same day. The seventy-two hours after 7 May gave India something altogether more consequential, namely an operational demonstration that the country’s air-defence architecture had matured to the point where a saturation campaign by Pakistan could be defeated decisively, and on the strength of indigenous systems whose integration was the genuine revelation of the 4-day conflict.

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