Yunus Government need to revisit Holy Artisan Bakery Attack for Course Correction- Rising Religious Extremism and Intolerance in Bangladesh
As events unfold in Bangladesh, there remains little doubt about the growing influence of various radical Islamist groups in the country’s evolving decision making process. A new report “From Tension To Terror – The Rising Tide of Radicalization in Bangladesh” outlines how Islamic radicalism, which has long been a feature of Bangladesh’s socio-political landscape, has experienced a notable surge following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina led government. According to this monograph taken out by the Bangladesh Think Tanks Forum, this rise in islamic radicalism is evident in several key developments that have further emboldened religious extremist elements in the country.
The rise of religious radicalisation leading to terrorism has risen in Bangladesh in recent times. In the last few months Bangladesh has suffered from rampant extremists acts, which has crept into the very fabric of the society. The world is witnessing random acts of extremist violence perpetrated by young people throughout Bangladesh.
In the past decade, Bangladesh has witnessed a meteoric rise of radical Islamist groups on the one hand and increasing public display of religiosity on the other. In order to understand what trends that conspired to radicalisation in the secular value oriented Bengali society that long cherished communal harmony, a study was conducted to identify the drivers as well as local dynamics that are behind the radical upheaval of sections of the youth in the society.
According to the report “From Tension To Terror – The Rising Tide of Radicalization in Bangladesh,”the confluence of vandalism, education system manipulation, social media radicalization, and the rise of extremist groups has created a volatile environment in Bangladesh, where the secular foundations of the nation are under increasing pressure from growing Islamic radicalism. These trends not only threaten the nation’s pluralistic identity but also pose significant challenges to its political and social stability in the years to come
Following the regime change in Bangladesh, radical Islamic groups have increasingly sought to assert their influence over every aspect of Bangladeshi society and governance. What are the factors of radicalization in Bangladesh? Religion has served as the primary source of radicalization in Bangladesh. One of the most visible manifestations of this growing radicalism is the vandalism of secular symbols, such as the destruction of sculptures, which were once emblematic of Bangladesh’s commitment to its secular heritage.
The traction of violent extremist ideology in the Muslim majority state of Bangladesh has always posed a serious security challenge. During its tenure Awami League being the only secular party in Bangladesh faced real challenges to balance between maintaining the pluralistic identity of Bangladesh and maintaining ties with the Islamic Clergy who hold a major influence among the people.
Radical forces in Bangladesh have always taken cues from the global Jihadi movement and attempted to resurrect local militancy in Bangladesh. The Holey Artisan Cafe attack in 2016, which resulted in the deaths of 20 hostages, including many foreigners, prompted a strong response from the government. In the aftermath, then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government launched a significant crackdown on terrorism and Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh. The government intensified its efforts to eliminate terrorist threats, leading to the establishment of the Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU) to bolster counter-terrorism operations. Over the years, numerous terrorists were arrested, and several extremist groups dismantled. Sheikh Hasina’s administration maintained a zero-tolerance policy towards terrorism and worked to ensure that Bangladesh did not become a hub for extremist activities.
The rise of the Islamic radicalism in education, for instance, was not a sudden development; Islamists groups had already begun establishing a foothold within the sector over decades now. A 2017 survey by the Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies revealed that a majority of respondents believed private universities in Bangladesh were becoming fertile ground for the spread of Islamic radicalism. Attackers involved in the Holey Artisan Cafe attack were radicalized while studying at North South University (NSU) in Dhaka. This incident highlighted concerns about the spread of extremist ideologies within educational institutions in Bangladesh
The madrassas fill an important function in an impoverished country such as Bangladesh, where basic education is available only to a few. There are an estimated 64,000 madrassas in Bangladesh, divided into two kinds. The Aliya madrassas are run with government support and control, while the Dars-e-Nizami or Deoband-style madrassas are totally independent. The much more numerous Deobandi madrassas are more “traditional”; Islamic studies dominate, and the students are taught Urdu (the national language of Pakistan), Persian and Arabic. After finishing their education, the students are incapable of taking up any mainstream profession, and the mosques and the madrassas are their main sources of employment. As Bangladeshi journalist Salahuddin Babar points out: “Passing out from the madrassas, poorly equipped to enter mainstream life and professions, the students are easily lured by motivated quarters who capitalize on religious sentiment to create fanatics, rather than modern Muslims.” The consequences of this kind of madrassa education can be seen in the growth of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh.
After the ouster of Sheikh Hasina radical tendencies are being fanned by Nobel laureate Mohammad Yunus’s interim government.The fact that one of the first tasks of the Yunus government has been removing the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami and a meeting with Mamunul Haque, leader of the extremist group Hefazat-e-Islam, has meant that more radical groups feel they now enjoy protection from the authorities and can act with impunity. On August 28, 2024 Yunus lifted the ban on the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami party. The ban had been imposed by former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who labeled the party as a “militant and terrorist” organization.
Jammat and Hefazat-e-Islam are again gaining prominence, advocating for stricter Islamic laws and opposing secular policies. So an extremist threat is increasingly emerging from seemingly non-militant civil society groups with radical agendas, rather than fully-fledged terrorist organisations.These groups have moved beyond being a mere nuisance through their obstructionist and disruptive tactics, to increasingly moulding the national agenda in Bangladesh. These radical Islamists in Bangladesh seek to gain strength and support by tapping into mainstream social issues while espousing an anti-globalisation agenda.
Following the political upheaval and the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, there was widespread vandalism targeting cultural and historical monuments across Bangladesh. Approximately 1,500 sculptures, relief sculptures, murals, and memorials were vandalized, set on fire, and uprooted between August 5 and 14, 2024, with significant damage in Dhaka and other major cities. Notable among the destroyed works were several statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh, as well as other important cultural symbols. The damage includes 273 works in Dhaka Division, 204 in Chittagong Division, 166 in Rajshahi, 479 in Khulna, 100 in Barisal, 129 in Rangpur, 49 in Sylhet, and 92 in Mymensingh Division.
Notable among these destructive incidents were the attacks on two murals of Bangabandhu at House No. 32 in Dhanmondi. In the capital, five sculptures were examined; some were completely destroyed with hammers and shovels, some uprooted, and others burned. At the Palashi intersection in the capital, the ‘Swadhitan Sangram’ sculpture by Freedom Fighter and artist Shamim Shikder was also vandalised.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s ‘Mrityunjoy’ sculpture, recently installed at Vijay Sarani, was also targeted. ‘Mrityunjaya’ was eventually destroyed using ropes, fire, and hammers.
The statue of Themis, installed in front of the Supreme Court’s High Court Division extension building, was pulled down in two phases.
Notwithstanding the precarious state of affairs, Muhammad Yunus’s interim government has decided to concentrate on trying to erase the history of Bangladesh’s independence and promote Pakistani ideology. The interim government has even taken steps to remove Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s pictures from government buildings and public spaces. This move has been part of a broader effort to reshape the national narrative and reduce the emphasis on Mujib’s legacy. Yunus’s interim government has cancelled several national holidays linked to the history of Bangladesh’s liberation, including March 7 which marks Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s historic speech rallying the nation for independence, Bangabandhu’s birthday which was observed annually on 17 March, and August 15, observed as National Mourning Day to commemorate the assassination of Mujib and his family.
Bangladesh is set to remove the image of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikh Hasina and the iconic figure behind the founding of the country, from its currency notes. According to the Dhaka Tribune, Bangladesh Bank is printing new notes of Taka 20, 100, 500, and 1,000 on the instructions of the interim government. The new notes will not include the image of ‘Bangabandhu’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Furthermore, Islamists are demanding the removal of Bangladesh’s 15th Constitutional Amendment. The 15th Amendment, passed in 2011, recognises Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Father of the Nation, abolished the caretaker government system, and increased reserved seats for women in Parliament. Attorney General Mohammad Asaduzzaman is arguing that terms like socialism, secularism, Bengali nationalism, and the designation of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as “Father of the Nation” should be removed. Supported by a large number of Islamists, he believes these terms do not reflect the country’s current state, particularly given its large Muslim population.
The General Secretary of ‘Khelafat Majlis Bangladesh’ has claimed that the current constitution was imposed by India and has insisted that it was time for a change. Similarly, the General Secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh says that the constitution was rooted in Indian influence. Members of radical Islamist groups, such as Nurul Haq Nurof Gono Odhikar Parishadalso have supported calls for constitutional change. Even Brigadier(retd.) Abdullahil Amaan Azmi, son of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh leader Golam Azam, has advocated for altering the constitution.
This clique of Islamists are demanding to change Bangladesh’s national anthem, “Amar Sonar Bangla,” written by Rabindranath Tagore. They assert that the anthem, which was adopted during the time of the Bengal partition, does not reflect the identity of an independent Bangladesh. Some groups, including former Jamaat-e-Islami leader Ghulam Azam’s son, Abdullah Aman Azmi, say that the anthem was imposed by India and should be replaced with a song that better resonates with the nation’s identity.
Consider this latest development – the government has lifted the restrictions on wearing hijabs, which applied to female officers, nursing staff (Armed Forces Nursing Service), and other ranks. Previously, wearing the hijab, the traditional headscarf covering the head and shoulders, was not permitted with the uniform. This recent decision overturned years of policy in Bangladesh where hijab was banned in services, because it aligned with promoting secularism, ensuring gender equality, and addressing security concerns.
Today, the military-picked interim civilian-led regime is struggling to restore the rule of law and revive an economy battered by large-scale mob violence and destruction. The Islamist resurgence poses a serious law-and-order challenge in Bangladesh. If the Islamists continue to dictate affairs in Bangladesh, the result will be a broken economy and dysfunctional politics engendering violence, including Islamist extremism and cross-border terrorism.
Hasina, during her over 15-year reign, gave Bangladesh political stability and impressive economic growth, however the policies of the current Interim government have led to a clear resurgence of extremist tendencies in Bangladesh.
According to Bangladeshi journalists, in the early 1990s and early 2000s Bangladeshi diplomats issued passports to Pakistani militants in the kingdom to enable them to escape to Bangladesh. Today one can witness similar sympathetic tendencies towards Pakistani fundamentalists among a section of Bangladeshi. While the Bangladesh Army is a secular institution, there have been instances where certain factions within the military have had ties to Islamist groups. For example, some officers, both serving and retired, have been linked to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. These connections have occasionally influenced the political landscape, especially during periods of unrest.
The weak state capacity of the Interim government in Bangladesh will lead to a further deteriorating security situation that radical Islamist groups are already attempting to exploit and sustain by offering services. Rather Yunus has been relying on Islamic extremism to consolidate power, which has raised concerns among secular and progressive groups in Bangladesh. While the previous Hasina government had the political will to tackle radicalisation, the present Yunus government is not even willing to acknowledge that Bangladesh has a radical Islamist problem on its hands. Amid the apparent inability or unwillingness of the interim government in Bangladesh to crack down on radical islamists, homegrown radical groups will continue to gain momentum.
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